by Mary Harrsch © 2025
After significant research on the rise of ritual violence as a response to ecological catastrophe in the ancient Americas, I must disagree with the conclusion the Caral of ancient Peru should be seen as a model for peacefulness in the midst of significant climate change as expressed in this article. It is exciting that another of their cities has been found and I am sure we will learn even more about them from its remains but trying to highlight their peacefulness simply because the city had no defensive walls and no weapons have been found in excavations ignores the finds of artwork found in Caral's other cities depicting what appears to be ritual sacrifice.
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| Illustration of the recently discovered ancient city of Peñico in Peru, showcasing the Caral civilization's sustainable urban planning courtesy of Sustainability Times. |
At Vichama, a city occupied after the main center of Caral began to decline, during a period of increased aridity and possibly famine, friezes and sculptures tell a story of profound crisis. At the site, archaeologists uncovered polychrome clay friezes depicting a procession of human figures referred to as the "famine friezes." They depict emaciated figures, with their ribs showing, led by a powerful, larger figure (possibly a priest or ruler). The interpretation is that this graphically represents a community suffering from hunger.
Another famous frieze shows a procession of toads with human faces. In Andean cosmology, the toad is associated with water and fertility. Below this, a sculpture was found of a "decapitated" human figure with closed eyes, with what appear to be snakes (also water symbols) emerging from its head. This is strongly interpreted as a depiction of ritual sacrifice intended to appease the gods and bring back water and fertility.
At the coastal city of Áspero, another major center of the Caral culture, a discovery in 2016 added another layer. Archaeologists found the remains of two children buried at the base of a ceremonial structure. The children were not typical burials. They were placed in a flexed position, covered with clay, and located in the foundation of a temple.
This context—a foundation offering—is a known practice in the Andes (and elsewhere) where the sacrifice of a living being was believed to consecrate and give life to a building. While not conclusive proof of violent death, the context is highly suggestive of ritual sacrifice rather than a simple burial.
The lack of fortifications at the new site of Peñico suggests Caral society there likely may not have engaged in widespread, organized warfare with rival politics during its peak. Their social control may have been based on religion and trade.
However, when faced with catastrophic climate change, the ruling priestly class may have turned to ritual violence and human sacrifice as a means to maintain social order. By performing sacrifices, they were demonstrating their power to communicate with the gods and "solve" the crisis. This is a form of violence, but it is internally directed and sanctified by religion, not the same as warfare. The peaceful equilibrium of early Caral may not have been sustainable in the face of prolonged drought.
The evidence from Vichama, a later site, clearly suggests that as environmental pressures mounted, the society's practices may have become more extreme like many other cultures of ancient America.
