The Liangzhu Paradox: The Lethal Result of an Ideology of Inequality in the Ancient World

 by Mary Harrsch © 2025

Even after my intense research into the elite use of human sacrifice as a response to ecological stress across the globe, I must admit I was still appalled upon reading this paper detailing how Neolithic Liangzhu residents shaped human skulls and other bones into everyday tools like bowls, cups, masks, and knives.

A finished cup devised from a human skull found in Liangzhu courtesy of Scientific Reports..

A human skull fashioned into a mask found in Liangzhu courtesy of  Scientific Reports

Liangzhu Jade Yue unearthed from Tomb 2 at Yaoshan Site courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor 猫猫的日记本

Jade Cong unearthed from Tomb 21 at Fanshan site courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor 猫猫的日记本

Jade Bi from Tomb 14 at Fanshan site courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor 猫猫的日记本

Jade hand grip for a fan unearthed from Tomb 15 at Fanshan site courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Siyuwj

 

https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-15673-7

The mere idea that urbanization had reached an extent where the divide between the elite and the general population was so wide that non-elites were being “recycled” into utilitarian objects brought back to me scenes from the sci-fi movie “Soylent Green.”

The researchers’ primary explanation is the Urban Anonymity Hypothesis in which traditional kin-based social structures become loosened or even fractured and “remains could be treated as materials without malice or spectacle.” This is supported by the absence of cut marks, evidence of disarticulation, or burning. Researchers point out this rules out cannibalism, trophy-taking from enemies, or human sacrifice.

The bones were shaped into six recurring tool shapes (cups, mask, scrapers, etc) indicating the objects were produced in a repeatable manufacturing process, a hallmark of craft specialization in a complex society. The modified bones were not found with elite jade objects or in ritual contexts. This separates the practice from high-status ceremonies or temple ritual, placing it in the realm of "everyday craft."

Furthermore, almost 80% of items found in canals and moats were unfinished and subsequently discarded, leading researchers to conclude human bones were readily available so artisans could discard unsatisfactory work without great loss. This points to an urban setting with a relatively high anonymous individual mortality rate.

The research paper, however, is tightly focused on the mostly unfinished discards found in the city’s unusual workshop and canal system. An evaluation of contexts where finished human bone objects were found, however, reveals a different connotation. Finished human bone tools have not been found in commoner residential trash pits even though these same middens often contain finished tools made from animal bone. This indicates human bone tools did not circulate widely as common household items.

Furthermore, human bone tools have not been found in significant numbers at other specialized industrial sites within Liangzhu. The vast majority of finished human bone tools—whether utilitarian scrapers or ritual skull cups—are concentrated in and around the Zhongjiagang bone workshop itself. Finished skull cups have also been found in elite burials unearthed in the peripheral areas of Fuquanshan and Jiangzhuang. Although these burials were accompanied by the Yue, a battle-axe representing military command and the right to execute, it was not a practical weapon.  Instead, it was a symbol of coercive power legitimized by the state religion.

In the richest tombs in the core of Liangzhu, however, the Yue was usually made of jade. For these priest-kings referred to as “Jade Lords,” the yue was part of a standard "kit" of power-regalia that also included the cong (cylindrical tube) and bi (disc). The finest jade yue signaled that their military/executive authority was as sacred as their religious power.

 The elite burials of the "bone-worked tradition" at Fuquanshan and Jiangzhuang show a clear and deliberate pattern of grave goods include a yue made of a less valuable stone like diorite and excluding the cong (symbolizing cosmic connection) and the bi (symbolizing heaven). This pattern suggests they were high-ranking, powerful chieftains whose authority was derived from their connection to the central Liangzhu power structure, but who were not at the absolute pinnacle of it. They were part of the Liangzhu system—hence the Yue—but they expressed their power through a distinct, and perhaps more militaristic or pragmatic, set of symbols centered on the skull cup, and were denied its ultimate expression in jade.

In essence, their burial goods tell a story of "second-tier" elite status: powerful enough to command force (stone Yue) and control a potent ritual tradition (skull cups), but not powerful enough to claim the celestial, jade-based mandate of the core Liangzhu priest-kings.

They were not poorer cousins, however, they were deliberately distinguishing themselves as an elite class with a different ideology. The cong and bi were the core instruments of the state religion practiced by the Liangzhu "jade lords." By not including them, these peripheral elites were signaling that they either did not have access to that level of priestly power or, more likely, that they practiced a different form of ritual, one centered on the power of the skull cup. They were a warrior or secular elite whose power base was focused on military command (the Yue), with its control over life and death (the skull cup), and even possibly economic control, rather than the priestly, astrological, and ancestral authority of the jade-based core.

Furthermore, their sudden appearance in 4800 BP and disappearance in 4600 BP suggests they may have initially been nomadic migrants to Liangzhu who gained control because of their militaristic tendencies during a period of ecological stress then lost control possibly because their worldview and authority waned as ecological conditions further deteriorated.

The Greenland ice cores indicate a massive volcanic eruption occurred at about 4300 BP. The period leading up to the event was not climatically stable. The Liangzhu culture likely endured multiple periods of stress before the final, cataclysmic eruption that resulted in catastrophic monsoons that ultimately destroyed the civilization. The most prominent precursor eruption identified in the ice cores is a massive event dated to around 4660 BP. This eruption, potentially from Mount Aniakchak in Alaska or another high-latitude volcano, would have caused a significant "volcanic winter" and years of monsoon disruption, crop failures, and social chaos, perhaps of an intensity great enough to “dethrone” the warrior-elite of the bone-working tradition.

The ruling "bone-working" elite, who derived their legitimacy from their appearance of brutal power and control, are now seen as failures. Their ideology is discredited. They are blamed for the gods' displeasure. This leads to their swift overthrow—an internal coup, a popular rebellion, or usurpation by a rival faction.

One of the first acts of the new regime would be to formally and violently abolish the previous dynasty's signature practice. The Zhongjiagang workshop is not just abandoned; it is ceremonially shut down. Its tools, both finished and unfinished, are cast into the canals as a symbolic rejection of the old order. The practice is expunged.

There were just a few details that required further investigation. The bone-working workshop was located in the heart of Liangzhu but the finished products appeared in elite burials in peripheral areas. Why would the workshop be constructed in the city’s core when the market was located in the outer areas? Why have no skull cups been found in elite burials within the city? Perhaps an examination of the cultural changes that occurred during the reign of Genghis Khan and his successors would provide a clear model for how a powerful, non-urban elite can exert control over a sophisticated, urban-centered civilization without replacing its day-to-day culture. 

When the Mongols captured centers of production and wealth, they didn’t destroy them but co-opted them instead. Comparing this process to Liangzhu, it explains the construction of the human bone workshop in its core. By establishing their signature bone workshop in the urban core (Zhongjiagang) it was their way of captalizing a key "industrial" asset and using the city's existing infrastructure for their own purposes.

The Mongols introduced new symbols of authority usually related to their military supremacy. During the Yuan dynasty the Mongols used the Paiza, a tablet made of gold silver or bronze, that functioned as a passport and credential. Possessing a Paiza granted the bearer the right to use the empire's vast relay station system (the Yam), which provided them with fresh horses, food, and lodging. But, more importantly, it demanded compliance from all local officials.

The material of the Paiza directly corresponded to the rank and authority of the bearer, mirroring the Liangzhu hierarchy of jade vs. stone Yue. A Gold Paiza: was reserved for the highest-ranking nobles, imperial princes, and especially important envoys. It conferred the highest level of authority and privilege. The Silver Paiza was Granted to lower-ranking officials, military commanders, and important diplomats. The Bronze Paiza was Used by lower-level imperial messengers and officials.

The Paiza was not just a practical tool; it was a piece of the Khan's own authority made portable. When an official showed their Paiza, they were, in effect, speaking with the voice of the Great Khan himself. It was a direct, physical manifestation of the state's power to command resources and obedience across thousands of miles. By controlling who received a Paiza, the Mongol central administration controlled movement, communication, and the exercise of power within the empire. It was the key that unlocked the entire logistical system of the state.

Like the Great Khan who adopted symbols of power from those he ruled, the bone-working commander adopted the local ultimate, sacred symbol of authority, reserved for the supreme ruler and his closest circle in the capital. That would explain why skull cups have not been found in any of the elite burials in the core of the city. However, The combination of stone Yue and skull cups found in peripheral Liangzhu elite burials served like a silver Paiza, powerful symbols of delegated authority granted to a provincial governor or general. They showed that the bearer had real, state-sanctioned power (the stone Yue to command) and a special connection to the ruling regime (the skull cup, a unique ideological symbol), but it was distinct from and subordinate to the supreme symbol of the core (the Jade Yue).

The evidence from Liangzhu, therefore, paints a picture far more nuanced than simple urban anonymity. It reveals a stratified society where a distinct elite faction, possibly arising from migration or internal coup, established a grim new ideological order centered on the utilitarian power of human bone. For two centuries, they ruled from the core, their authority flowing outwards to loyal chieftains who displayed stone Yue and skull cups like silver Paizas—symbols of real, but delegated, power.

Their sudden disappearance around 4600 BP, coinciding with a massive volcanic winter, suggests their pragmatic, coercive ideology was discredited by catastrophe. The workshop was shut down not as an economic decision, but as a political and religious act. In the end, the story of the Liangzhu bone tools is not one of faceless recycling, but of a failed dynasty whose brutal signature practice became its epitaph.

The story of Liangzhu is a stark reminder that the most formidable threats to a civilization are not always external, but can be the direct consequence of the ideologies it tolerates, and the divisions it creates, within its own walls. It is a warning from the deep past: when a society begins to sort its people into categories of the revered and the unimportant, it is a short and perilous path from dehumanizing rhetoric to the literal devaluing of human life.

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Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

by Mary Harrsch © 2025

For over 400 years, the royal retinue of Silla's kings lived with the knowledge that their lives were formally tied to the monarch's. The ritual of sunjang—live burial to serve the king in the afterlife—was their destined end. But a recent excavation in Hwangnam-dong, revealing the splayed remains of a sacrificed individual, shows that not all victims went quietly into the night. This single body provides chilling new evidence of the practice's ultimate brutality.

https://www.artnews.com/art-news/news/wooden-tomb-complex-uncovered-south-korea-includes-armor-jewelry-evidence-human-sacrifice-1234758982/

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

Gold crown of Silla Kingdom 6th century CE at the National Museum of Korea courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Gary Todd 

Closeup of gold crown of Silla Kingdom 6th century CE at the National Museum of Korea courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Gary Todd

Gold hat of Silla Kingdom at the National Museum of Korea  courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Gary Todd

Ceramic figurine of Silla horse and rider at the National Museum of Korea courtesy of Wikimedia Commons contributor Gary Todd.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.Sedated or Struggling to Survive? The Grisly Archaeological Mystery of Silla's Sunjang

The Silla sunjang ritual was rooted in the shamanistic and aristocratic belief in a hierarchical afterlife. It primarily targeted the royal retinue (servants, guards, officials, spouses). It is historically documented in texts like the Samguk Sagi and supported by archaeology. It was finally abolished in 502 CE by King Jijeung, likely due to the influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, marking a significant step in the cultural and ethical evolution of the Silla kingdom.

There is no direct textual or archaeological evidence proving the sacrificed individuals were drugged or strangled before interment. Examinations of human remains from sacrificial pits in other Korean contexts (like the Juicide practice of the Gaya Confederacy ——Silla and Gaya were neighboring kingdoms with intense cultural and political exchange. Their elite burial practices were very similar) show a lack of perimortem (around the time of death) trauma like broken skulls, cut marks from weapons, or fractured limbs.

This has led archaeologists to rule out death by blunt force or stabbing. On the contrary, In some Gaya tomb excavations, skeletons have been found in postures that are not contorted or suggestive of a struggle, but rather in a composed, seated, or reclined position. This is a key piece of evidence that suggests the individuals may not have been conscious or struggling at the time of burial. However, in at least one famous Gaya tomb (the Jisandong Tomb Complex in Daegu), some sacrificial victims were found with their hands tied behind their backs. This is the most unambiguous evidence of a victim who was not willing and had to be restrained, making a peaceful, sedated death highly unlikely.

In some tombs, multiple skeletons were found jumbled together in a pit. While this could indicate being thrown in carelessly after death, it is also consistent with a mass burial of victims who were incapacitated and dumped together, or with a final struggle in a confined space.

The "splayed" body found in the recent excavation is not a complete anomaly, but it is a powerful piece of evidence that confirms what the Gaya finds and scattered reports had already hinted at: the practice of sunjang could be, and often was, a brutal and terrifying act of violence, not just a ritual of passive sedation.

King Jijeung, who abolished this brutal practice, was not merely a ruler who happened to pass one merciful law. His reign demonstrates a consistent pattern of 'benevolent governance' inspired by Confucian and Buddhist precepts as seen in his establishment of a state granary system called the "Ever-Normal Granary" (Jangchang or Sangpyeongchang) to stabilize grain prices and provide famine relief. He also ordered tax exemptions for people in regions struck by famine or other natural disasters and gave alms to the poor and starving indicating he directed state intervention to help the most vulnerable citizens.

He ordered the compilation of a formal legal code to move away from arbitrary rule and towards a more predictable and just system for all citizens. He expanded the Bone Rank System (Kolpumje) to further solidify this rigid aristocratic system. While not "merciful" in a modern egalitarian sense, from the perspective of the state, creating a clear and regulated social order can be seen as a way to reduce internal conflict and chaos among the elite, which ultimately benefited the stability of the kingdom as a whole.

References:

Barnes, G. L. (2001). State formation in Korea: Historical and archaeological perspectives. Routledge.

Barnes, G. L. (2015). Archaeology of East Asia: The rise of civilization in China, Korea and Japan. Oxbow Books.

Best, J. W. (2002). Buddhism and polity in early sixth-century Paekche. Korean Studies, 26(2), 165–215.

Gyeongju National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. (n.d.). Excavation reports. Gyeongju.

Kim, B. (2012). The Samguk Sagi (E. J. Shultz & H. H. Kang, Trans.). Academy of Korean Studies Press. (Original work published 1145)

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The Tidal Trigger: How Bottom-Up Irrigation Fueled the Sumerian State

by Mary Harrsch © 2025

“Seven thousand years ago, twice-daily tides in the shallow, narrow Persian Gulf would have pushed saltwater up the Tigris and Euphrates, forcing freshwater back the way it came.

As tides move up the river, “saltwater is heavier than fresh, so it stays at the bottom and lifts the freshwater up,” says Liviu Giosan, co-author of a new paper on the study of deep soil samples from ancient Lagash . “When you have water rising twice a day, you can tap it for agriculture very easily.”

Even far from the coast, communities would have been able to see a regular rise and fall in the river’s level and divert it to water wheat fields, date palm groves, and vegetable gardens, paving the runway for what scholars sometimes call the “Mesopotamian takeoff.” As populations grew and settled, the river kept bringing fresh soil and sediment downstream as part of annual spring floods, opening new, rich farmland.

These Ubaid 4 Period female figurines (c. 4500 BCE) discovered at Ur with their stylized features and emphasis on fertility, materialize the religious worldview of the early Mesopotamian farmers who harnessed the tides. They represent the deep-rooted, pre-state spiritual traditions that would later be formalized into the Sumerian pantheon. Photographed at the Penn Museum in Philadelphia, PA by the author.

Archaeologist Jennifer Pournelle points out the findings upend the idea that cities arose from huge state-organized infrastructural projects but instead developed naturally as people settled next to each other to let the Tigris nourish their crops. This article, using findings in Giosan et al’s research, that appeared in the online journal Science makes the case for tidal irrigation being the trigger for state formation in ancient Mesopotamia. But it stops short of explaining the subsequent steps in state development.

https://www.science.org/content/article/sumerian-civilization-may-have-been-jump-started-rise-and-fall-tides

However, I propose as irrigation produced surplus, elites arose to manage the distribution of the surplus, both within the community and with external partners, forming an early network of economic and social dependences. These activities generated the need for more specialists including soldiers, artisans, administrators and traders. To legitimize their authority, elite administrators also begin to intertwine their efforts with priests or shamans of existing deeply-rooted religious beliefs, thereby organizing religion to facilitate cooperation of the populace to fund tax systems used to pay standing armies and finance large-scale canal projects when tidal forces begin to diminish.

Scholars like archaeologist Stephanie Rost argue that irrigation, while important, could not have been the sole cause. She suggests the wetlands' natural wealth (fish, birds, reeds, etc.) might have been sufficient on its own to support early urbanism. But, could these activities have produced the amount of surplus requiring the rise of administrators and other specialists to manage its distribution across a wide area?

The new evidence from the Lagash core provides a elegant, bottom-up mechanism for how that surplus could have been achieved before kings and bureaucracies.

Since my research has indicated the rise of surplus administrators also leads to development of religion as a behavioral tool to manage the laboring population, I was curious if archaeologist have found evidence of early developing religion during the time period covered by the core samples. This era is termed the early Ubaid Period (c. 6500-3800 BCE). The first permanent, large villages established in southern Mesopotamia have been found to contain the earliest known temple structures in the region, like the one at Eridu. These early temples were small, single-room structures, but they were rebuilt and enlarged over centuries on the same sacred spot, showing a long-standing and deepening religious tradition.

Numerous stylized, clay figurines have been found, often with reptilian or abstract features, and frequently female. They often have applied bitumen "hair" and clay pellets for shoulders. Their exact meaning is debated, but they are widely interpreted as representing a mother goddess or a fertility deity—a concept directly linked to the concerns of an agricultural society dependent on water and land fertility. "Ophidian" (snake-like) figurines are also common finds, male figurines with elongated heads and a snake-like appearance. These may be precursors to later gods of water, wisdom, or the underworld.

Scholars assume the religion of this tidal period was likely animistic and centered on fertility and the forces of nature. The construction of temples suggests a developing communal investment in a shared belief system, and the figurines represent a conceptualization of divine forces that were critical to their survival—forces that would later be formalized into the gods Enki (god of fresh water and wisdom) and Inanna (goddess of fertility and love).

The development of religion appears to mirror the development of the state itself. It began as a localized, bottom-up set of beliefs centered on natural forces (fertility, water) that were vital to the tidal agricultural system. As society became more complex and faced environmental and social challenges, this religious system became more formalized, hierarchical, and integrated with political power, eventually producing the iconic art and inscriptions of the classic Sumerian state.

References:

Adams, R. McC. (1981). Heartland of cities: Surveys of ancient settlement and land use on the central floodplain of the Euphrates. University of Chicago Press.

Carter, R. A., & Philip, G. (Eds.). (2010). Beyond the Ubaid: Transformation and integration in the late prehistoric societies of the Middle East. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.

Childe, V. G. (1950). The urban revolution. The Town Planning Review, 21(1), 3–17. https://doi.org/10.3828/tpr.21.1.k853061t614q42qh

Giosan, L., & Goodman, R. (2025). Morphodynamic foundations of Sumer. PLOS ONE, 20(8), e0329084. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0329084

Oates, J. (1960). Ur and Eridu: The prehistory. Iraq, 22(1/2), 32–50. https://doi.org/10.2307/4199667

Service, E. R. (1975). Origins of the state and civilization: The process of cultural evolution. W. W. Norton & Company.

Stein, G. J. (1994). Economy, ritual, and power in 'Ubaid Mesopotamia. In G. Stein & M. S. Rothman (Eds.), Chiefdoms and early states in the Near East: The organizational dynamics of complexity (pp. 35–46). Prehistory Press.

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